![[1954 Royal Tour of Queen Elizabeth II - stepping off the Royal Train] Title: [1954 Royal Tour of Queen Elizabeth II - stepping off the Royal Train] Dated: February 1954 Digital ID: NRS21573_2_RV000068_c Series: NRS 21573 Glass plate and acetate negatives with ‘PR’ [Public Relations] prefix [State Rail] Rights: No known copyright restrictions www.records.nsw.gov.au/about-us/rights-and-permissions We'd love to hear from you if you use our photos/documents. Many other photos in our collection are available to view and browse on our website.](https://images.unsplash.com/photo-1676906243297-00d9c27eb394?ixid=M3wxMjA3fDB8MXxzZWFyY2h8MTE0fHx3b21lbiUyMGhhbmZ1fGVufDB8fHx8MTczMzQ3MDExOHww%5Cu0026ixlib=rb-4.0.3)
Hanfu style mini skirt outfit
On the 22nd November 2003, an electrical power worker from the Chinese province of Henan, Wang Letian, walked around his home city of Zhengzhou wearing a traditional Chinese costume called the Hanfu. Wang intended to promote traditional Chinese culture by generating interest in traditional Chinese garb. Nevertheless, Wang received significant attention in China, and has often been cited as the originator of the current Hanfu craze sweeping China today. At the time, Wang’s actions were unusual, with the Hanfu being largely confined to film sets and tourist attractions. Wang’s goal of promoting Chinese traditional culture appears to have been fulfilled in recent years, with the costume becoming a mainstay of social media platforms popular with Chinese millennials. The popularity of the costume coincides with a wider discussion over the state of China’s identity, which marks a break from the previous focus on China’s economic development. This has often sought to emphasise the uniqueness of China’s identity as well as presenting China as a civilisation state rather than a nation-state in the Westphalian sense. By delving into China’s past, the rise of the Hanfu movement and the debate over China’s identity thus symbolises the contradictory nature of the legacies of China’s imperial dynasties, most notably the Ming and Qing dynasties, as well as the role that these have played in shaping the present Chinese perception of China. The term Hanfu (汉服) generally refers to the clothing of the Han race that makes up the majority of China’s population. This broadly incorporates all forms of Han clothing prior to the 17th century. As a result, it has been difficult to trace the exact origins of the garb since it has been difficult to separate myth from reality. As with many concepts from the early years of China’s history, the origins of the garb has partially been shrouded in myth and legend, with the claim that the Hanfu was the costume of the legendary Yellow Emperor, the sage king of ancient China. This initially took the form of a knee length silk tunic, known as a yi, secured with a sash and a narrow ankle length skirt called a chang, which was worn with a length of silk called a bixi that reached the knees. Nevertheless, it has been traced to the time of the Shang Dynasty of 1600 BC and 1000 BC. The emergence of the Hanfu movement has been representative of the latest shift in how China’s imperial legacies have been perceived. The style of the Hanfu was subject to change over time until the beginnings of the Qing Dynasty in 1644, when the costume fell out of fashion in favour of Manchu garb such as the cheongsam. As a result of the apparent failings of what Wang Gungwu termed the Confucian ‘emperor state’, Chinese reformers from the ‘Self Strengthening Movement’ to the Communist Party of China sought to utilise Western ideologies and concepts to modernise China, most notably the concept of the nation state and the communist and nationalist doctrines. The early years of the People’s Republic of China emphasised China’s ideological identity as a leading communist nation rather than China’s previous cultural state. Previously, these were seen as a source of shame, most notably during the Mao era in the mid 20th century, with China’s traditional culture being blamed for China’s humiliation during the 19th and 20th centuries. The perception of China’s imperial legacies and traditional culture shifted after Mao’s death in 1976 and the subsequent period of reform and opening-up initiated by Deng Xiaoping. This saw the abandonment of the ideological goals of the Mao era in favour of a focus on China’s economic development. In keeping with the earlier trends of China’s modernisers, Mao saw China’s traditional culture and the Confucian orthodoxy as the reason behind China’s backwardness. As a result, China lost one of its main organising principles, which was further compounded by the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and Russia in 1989 and 1991 and the subsequent onset of Post-Cold War globalisation. To remedy this, the Communist Party of China (CPC) turned towards Chinese nationalism as a unifying force. This initially manifested itself in the disputes with Japan over the legacies of the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 to 1945, most notably in the adverse Chinese reaction to the recent visits of several prominent Japanese political figures, including former Prime Ministers Junichiro Koizumi and Shinzo Abe, to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine. All of these contributed to a wider identity crisis within China, with the promotion of Western popular culture through globalisation being perceived as eroding China’s identity. The Tokyo shrine’s controversy was due to its commemoration of several Japanese Class-A war criminals from the period, including its wartime leader, Hideki Tojo. This also saw a Chinese revival of the Confucian doctrine that had been suppressed during the Cultural Revolution. In recent years, China’s imperial legacies and past achievements have been utilised as a source of Chinese national pride. The CPC has used these legacies as part of a wider effort to build support for Chinese policies at home and abroad, by presenting modern China as the latest stage of ‘five thousand years of Chinese civilisation’. All of these formed the roots of the later perceptions of China’s past and identity. The use of these legacies marks a break from the previous utilisation of China’s past for political goals, with China’s golden ages replacing the use of the ‘Century of Humiliation’. These changes have also been a result of a renewed interest in the state of China’s identity, which has been one of the core objectives of what has been termed as the ‘Third Revolution’ under Xi Jinping. One of the notable recurring features of this has been the perceived uniqueness of Chinese identity. While China’s perceived golden ages of the Han, Tang, and Song dynasties have often been invoked by the CPC, there has also been a growing interest in the more contentious aspects of China’s imperial legacies. This has been most notable with the debates over the Ming and Qing dynasties. The Hanfu movement being the most recent manifestation of the debate over the nature of China’s identity and past legacies. The emergence of the Hanfu movement, while primarily being utilised as a symbol of China’s renaissance, has also been expressive of China’s Han identity. This has been linked to the wider discussion over the legacy of the Ming Dynasty. This was articulated in Liu Mingfu’s 2015 bestseller The China Dream, which called for China to embrace a uniquely Chinese destiny as opposed to seeking convergence with the developed world. As the last ethnically Han rulers of the Chinese Empire, the Ming has traditionally been seen as a dynasty that began its rule with great potential but ultimately fell short of its promise. This initial promise was seemingly extinguished by the inward turn that China’s rulers took in the second half of the Ming Dynasty’s rule in the 16th and 17th centuries, symbolised by the dismantling of the Treasure Fleet after its’ return. As a result, this has often been interpreted as China foregoing any effort to create an overseas empire like the later European powers would do, and instead turned towards the increasingly difficult task of controlling China’s borders in the face of the challenges posed by the Mongols and the Manchus. In recent years, there has been an effort by amateur online historians to rehabilitate the tarnished legacy of the later years of the Ming dynasty. If the Treasure Fleet symbolised the outward-looking promise of the early Ming dynasty, the Great Wall can be seen as a symbol of the inward turn of the Ming dynasty’s later years. Such an interpretation presents the Manchu invasion of China as an end of the progressive governance of the Ming, which condemned China to backwardness. These have often sought to present Ming China as a progressive force that was the most powerful nation of its’ day. The Qing Dynasty has also become part of the more contentious aspects of China’s imperial legacies. The rule of the Qing Dynasty has often been seen as a period of alien rule, with China’s Manchu rulers distinguishing themselves from their Han subjects. This included regulations making the queue hairstyle compulsory, known as “cut the hair and keep the head or keep the hair and cut the head” (留髮不留頭，留頭不留髮) as well as requiring officials to wear Manchu garb. These rules have been presented in the recent discourses on this period as being a part of an effort by the Manchus to suppress Han culture including traditional clothing such as the Hanfu. One such distinction came in the form of a series of laws concerning clothing. These rules would further reinforce the perception of the Qing emperors as a privileged foreign elite in the eyes of the Han majority, who had still not fully accepted their rule, particularly in China’s southern regions which were the last strongholds of the Ming loyalists. As a result, the popularity of the Hanfu has been presented as a rediscovery of Han imperial culture. As well as being seen as a period of alien rule, the Qing Dynasty has often been presented as an age characterised by China’s humiliation, marked by China’s defeat in the First Opium War of 1839. The later Qing period was an era beset by conflict and rebellion as well as several efforts to modernise the Qing Empire that ultimately failed. This perception would have adverse consequences for the Qing that culminated in the events during the dynasty’s twilight years in the 19th century. These experiences have also been seen as one of the primary motivations for China’s push to become a Great Power as well as being invoked in more contentious periods in China’s foreign relations. The linkage between the popularity of the Hanfu and the contentious legacies of China’s imperial past were illustrated by a 2013 memorial to Ming loyalists at Wuxi. This was further underlined by similar pilgrimages made by the Hanweiyang and Jiangyin Hanfu associations. As a result, the present Hanfu craze as well as these legacies have been a wider expression of China’s Han identity, which has posed questions for the state of China’s present identity. In commemorating these events, the pilgrimages emphasised the role of Han identity, with the Ming loyalists being the last bastions of Han rule in imperial China. These developments have been expressed by the Hanfu craze in several ways. While the popularity of the Hanfu movement has been seen as a symbol of China’s past achievements, it has equally been the result of a discussion of the more contentious elements of China’s early modern period. While the origins of the Hanfu movement are rooted in Wang Leitian’s use of the costume nearly twenty years ago, the proliferation of it has been a comparatively recent development. Before the rise of social media, the Hanfu revival was largely confined to small groups of enthusiasts, and it required a greater amount of individual effort to penetrate. While the garb was initially popularised in the early 21st century through novels and period dramas, social media applications served as the driving force behind the present Hanfu craze, enabling enthusiasts to spread their passion for the costume on a far greater scale than before. Possibly the most notable example of this was the 2019 TV series The Untamed, which was adapted from the Chinese fantasy (Xianxia) novel Mo Dao Zu Shi by Mo Xiang Tong Xiu. The popularity of The Untamed shows one of the ways by which the Hanfu was popularised. The series has been cited as a notable factor behind the popularity of the Hanfu, with viewers of the series seeking to acquire costumes and props worn by the cast. One of these comes in the demographics of the movement, which primarily consists of Chinese millennials. Through the lens of cultural transmission, it is possible to identify the trends that the Hanfu movement represents. As a result, they have often sought to express their own unique identity, with the Hanfu being one of the means to do so. The demographics of the Hanfu movement also indicate a divide in attitudes between generations, as well as with the Chinese government. This was demonstrated by an attempt to make the Hanfu part of China’s official national costume in 2008. although it was rejected by the government. Hanfu’s popularity is a testament to the economic clout and influence of China’s millennials. The influence of this generation has led to comparisons between them and the baby boomer generation in the developed world, with Chinese millennials being perceived as the new baby boomers in terms of size and influence. The Hanfu craze has also been a feature of the wider backlash against globalisation. While the primary forms of this reaction have typically been anti-capitalist or nativist in character, in this case, it has been more cultural in nature. As a result, the popularity of the Hanfu is an illustrative expression of the influence of this generation, which will be a notable feature of the near future, with Chinese millennials having the potential to shape trends even more than the baby boomers had before them. This has been a result of a countermovement against the spread of Western as well as non-Chinese forms of Asian popular culture, which had contributed to China’s Post-Cold War identity crisis. In this sense, the popularity of the Hanfu is part of this wider nativist attempt to promote the traditional imperial culture of the Ming Dynasty. This raises contentious contradictions within the today’s conceptualisations of Chinese identity. This has been notable in the backlash against other forms of Chinese clothing, such as the qipao, which has been seen as foreign ‘Manchu’ garb. Conversely, the Hanfu is now being presented as a uniquely Chinese form of clothing. This has been apparent on the same online platforms that did much to popularise the Hanfu. The popularity of the Hanfu has partially been a result of a renewed interest in discussing the nature of China’s imperial past as well as its national identity. While these legacies have often been invoked by Chinese officials, as demonstrated by the earlier refrain of ‘five thousand years of civilisation’, these have also been subject to discussion by an emerging group of amateur online historians, who have created their own discourses on these legacies that differ from official narratives in several ways. Han and Chinese are often now perceived as largely synonymous. One such difference is in the nationalistic tone that they take. While the official Chinese stance has become more nationalistic in recent years, the online discourse has emphasised the Han aspect of Chinese identity, which has led to them being characterised as ‘Hanist’. Alongside the commemoration of Ming loyalists battling the invading Manchus in the 16th and 17th centuries, this tendency manifested itself in the Huang Haiqing slapping incident in Beijing in 2008. Huang, an avid consumer of nationalist histories online, physically attacked Yan Chongnian, a prominent authority on the history of the Qing Dynasty, which was motivated by what Huang perceived as Yan’s whitewashing of the period in his studies of it. While these activities have largely been confined to online forums such as the Hanwang, this strand of nationalism has also made its presence known offline. Such incidents have illustrated how the contentions of the Ming and Qing periods still stir nationalist fervour within China today. This perception also led Huang to liken Yan’s work with those of Holocaust deniers such as David Irving. The Hanfu movement’s emergence thus provides the pageantry for the wider Hanist nationalist movement. What has also been notable for both these developments is that China’s millennials and netizens rather than the CPC have been the driving forces behind them. In addition, this interest has seen the utilisation of China’s history as a template to predict China’s path in world politics. The rise of the Hanfu craze and the associated online discourses have shown the influence that China’s imperial legacies have had upon the perceptions of China’s identity today. And this generation will also continue to play a greater role in shaping China’s future course. Alongside this, the discussion in shaping China’s identity has also seen the emergence of a Chinese discourse that has largely grown independently of the CPC. In addition, this push has also demonstrated the growing influence of Chinese millennials, who have propelled this interest in China’s traditional Ming clothing and culture. In addition, these discourses and the popularity of the Hanfu have also shown the common path taken by newly confident and prosperous societies in that they look towards past glories to tap into an older identity as well as a guide for China’s future. While this demonstrates the agency of Chinese netizens, it shows that their voices will be nationalist rather than liberal in character, as illustrated by the rise of the ‘Hanist’ discourse. The ‘Hanist’ nationalist path that China’s millenials seek to take promise to have wide-reaching consequences for the world – as well as for China itself. As a result, the trends symbolised by the popularity of the Hanfu are not solely an exercise in nostalgia; they also represent a pursuit of a modernity that is uniquely Chinese in character, which differs from the established Western ideals of modernity. Dr Tom Harper is a researcher specialising in China’s foreign relations. He received his PhD at the University of Surrey.
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Chu yan hanfu
I’m a fan of East Asia drama and I especially love the beauty of Chinese dress when watching their historical drama which is why in this post, I’ve compiled some of my favourites’ Hanfu that I found from Pinterest. But hey, what is hanfu? You can also found all my pinned Hanfu from my board below. So basically, Hanfu is Chinese traditional dress for the Han Chinese. The clothing has evolved through times but I like the hanfu from Ming Dynasty and Tang Dynasty the most. Warning: This post is going to be full of pictures so if you have nothing to do during Restricted Movement Order (RMO), bless your eyes with these beautiful Hanfu pictures. Also a quick disclaimer, I don’t own these photos. Hanfu is comprised of the word Han 漢; major ethnic in China and Fu 服; clothes. This hanfu screams elegance for me. I like to imagine that the girls wearing these kind of clothing in the story. If you think the outfits are pretty, take a look at my recommended Chinese novels below. Man who can rock long hair is attractive. Here’s some interesting fashion timeline of Chinese clothing that I found from Tumblr. She looks ethereal. I want to take photos like this. So how was it? Interesting to see that as time changes, the clothing become much more shorter probably for convenience. The hanfu are pretty, right? And it also reminds me of the hanbok that I wear during my trip to Seoul.
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Hanfu thames ditton
Tuanshan (Chinese: 團扇; pinyin: tuánshàn; lit. 203,206 fan of reunion, are typically silk rigid hand fan which originated in China; they are typically circular or oval in shape. These types of fans were mostly used by women in the Tang dynasty. 206 The tuanshan was also used as part of the traditional Chinese wedding and was part of the ceremonial wedding rite. They continue to be produced and sold in present-day China and has become a common form of accessory in Hanfu. 206 Up to the Song dynasty, the tuanshan appears to have the most common types of the fans in China. The tuanshan also remained mainstream in China even after the growing popularity of the folding fans which originated in Japan. The tuanshan was also introduced in other countries, such as Japan. The tuanshan originated in China, its prototype was round silk fan which was developed in the Eastern Han dynasty which was itself developed based on the earlier Chinese fans design. Over time, the Chinese fans have evolved in a cultural artifacts which reflects and incorporate the essence of Chinese folklore culture. Chinese brides also used a type of moon-shaped tuanshan in traditional Chinese wedding called queshan. The ceremonial rite of queshan was an important ceremony in Chinese wedding: the bride would hold it in front of her face to hide her shyness, to remain mysterious, and as a way to exorcise evil spirits. After all the other wedding ceremonies were completed, such as drinking the hejin wine, and after the groom had impressed the bride (e.g. reciting poems), the bride would then proceed in revealing her face to the groom by removing the queshan from her face. This ceremonial rite is referred as Etiquette of removing fan; the performance of such rite can be traced back to the Tang dynasty and continued in the Song dynasty. The tuanshan is composed of a handle or stick with a rigid mount like a frame and a fabric whose shape will conform to the desired shape of the tuanshan. 256 Traditionally, they were made of bamboo or ivory with silk fabric, which would stretch across the rigid frame. 206 It could be decorated with Chinese embroideries or Chinese paintings. Garrett, Valery (2012). Chinese Dress : From the Qing Dynasty to the Present. An hexagonal rigid fan with a Chinese painting of a cat and a calligraphy, late Qing dynasty. New York: Tuttle Pub. San Francisco: Long River Press. Peng, Jing; Ruan, Tianhua (2019). “The application of fan culture in environmental design” (PDF). Qian, Gonglin (2004). Chinese fans : artistry and aesthetics (1st ed.). Weilin, Yuan (2017). Silk ribbon embroidery Chinese style : an illustrated stitch guide. This page was last edited on 2 November 2024, at 16:05 (UTC). Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
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Chinese yellow hanfu for women
Kimono and Hanfu are both traditional outfits that originate from Asia. Although they share some similarities, they are distinct in terms of their designs, history, and cultural significance. In this section, we’ll explore some of the key differences between these two styles of traditional clothing. It was originally worn as an undergarment by both men and women, but it gradually transformed into a garment worn in daily life and when attending special occasions. The kimono is known for its simple yet elegant design, which features straight seams, wide sleeves, and a T-shaped silhouette. On the other hand, Hanfu is the traditional clothing of China and dates back as far as the Zhou dynasty (1046-256 BCE). The kimono is the traditional clothing of Japan, with a history dating back to the eighth century. It consists of a loose robe, a skirt, and a jacket worn over the robe. Historically, Hanfu was worn exclusively by elites, and its design and decoration varied depending on the wearer’s social status and the occasion. Hanfu evolved over time with the changing dynasties and continued to be worn until the Manchu invasion of China in the 17th century. It is designed to hang straight down from the shoulders, creating a boxy shape. The kimono is typically made of silk and consists of a single piece of fabric with an open front that is secured with a wide belt called an obi. On the other hand, Hanfu is characterized by its loose-fitting, unstructured design with a unique collar that stands up in the back. The sleeves are wide, and the hem reaches the ankle, creating a flowing, elegant look. Kimonos come in different lengths, and the fabric’s color, pattern, and texture vary significantly depending on the occasion and the wearer’s gender and age. The fabric of Hanfu is typically silk or cotton, and the color and pattern are chosen based on the season and the occasion. Accessories such as hairpins, waistbands, and shoes complement the outfit. They are often worn to traditional events such as weddings, tea ceremonies, and festivals, and the different styles and patterns reflect the Japanese aesthetic and love of nature. Similarly, Hanfu is an important aspect of Chinese culture and has been elevated to symbolize the country’s long and storied history. Kimonos are deeply rooted in Japanese culture and history, and they remain a symbol of national identity and pride. It is often worn during cultural events such as the Chinese New Year and the Mid-Autumn Festival, and it has experienced a resurgence in popularity in recent years due to its association with traditional Chinese culture. In conclusion, kimonos and Hanfu are both beautiful and intricate styles of traditional clothing that reflect the cultural heritage and history of their respective countries. While both are stunning in their own right, they have distinct features, designs, and meanings that set them apart.
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Bijia (Chinese: 比甲) is a long, sleeveless jacket of Mongol origins which has opened side slits. 46,68 The bijia started to be worn in the Yuan dynasty when it was designed by Empress Chabi. It is also a type of hanfu which has been revived in present days. According to the Yuan shi, the invention of bijiia is attributed to Empress Chabi during the Yuan dynasty. The bijia originated from a long-length Mongol vest. Empress Chabi designed the bijia so that it would be a convenient form of attire while riding horses and shooting arrows. The front region of the bijia designed by Empress Chabi was made of 1-piece of fabric, and its back region was twice longer than the front region. It was collarless and sleeveless, and there were two loop straps which attached to it. It also had no lapels. After the fall of the Yuan dynasty, Mongol fashion of the Yuan dynasty continued to influence some styles of clothing worn in the Ming dynasty; this included the persisting usage of bijia. The bijia was first worn by the Yuan dynasty emperor but it later became popular among commoners. In the Ming dynasty, the bijia was long in length and would reach below the knee level. It was embroidered on woven textile and a jade ornament would be attached at the front of the bijia as a front closure. The bijia became a type of women clothing in the Ming dynasty, and by the middle of the Ming dynasty it had become a favourite form of dress for women, especially young women. Bijia created an illusion of slenderness, which women in the Ming dynasty sought after. In the Qing dynasty, Han Chinese women were allowed to continue the Ming dynasty clothing customs. 17th and 18th century. Woman wearing bijia (right). From the painting Amorous Meeting in a Room Interior, late 18th century Qing Dynasty. In the 21st century, the bijia regained popularity and is widely worn as a hanfu item. Woman wearing beizi (left). Theatrical beixin for a female Buddhist priest (front view). The majia (Chinese: 马甲), the sleeveless riding vest of the Qing dynasty, evolved from the bijia which was popular among women during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Theatrical beixin for a female Buddhist priest (back view). Sleeveless Jacket, 19th century. Song dynasty beixin – Sleeveless and translucent vests, which became a popular female fashion in the Southern Song. Finnane, Antonia (2008). Changing clothes in China : fashion, history, nation. New York: Columbia University Press. Zhao, George Qingzhi (2008). Marriage as political strategy and cultural expression : Mongolian royal marriages from world empire to Yuan dynasty. Hua, Mei (2011). Chinese clothing (Updated ed.). New York: Peter Lang Pub. Wang, Anita Xiaoming (2018). “The Idealised Lives of Women: Visions of Beauty in Chinese Popular Prints of the Qing Dynasty”. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Arts Asiatiques. 73: 61-80. doi:10.3406/arasi.2018.1993. Schlesinger, Jonathan (2017). A world trimmed with fur : wild things, pristine places, and the natural fringes of Qing rule. Shea, Eiren L. (2020). Mongol court dress, identity formation, and global exchange. New York, NY. p. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. Lee, Lily Xiao Hong (2015). Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, Volume II : Tang Through Ming 618-1644. Sue Wiles. Xun Zhou, Chunming Gao, 周汛, Shanghai Shi xi qu xue xiao. 5000 years of Chinese costumes. Zhongguo fu zhuang shi yan jiu zu. San Francisco, traditional chinese clothes CA: China Books & Periodicals. Li, Jinzhao (2005). Constructing Chinese America in Hawaiʻi: the Narcissus Festival, ethnic identity, and community transformation, 1949-2005 (Thesis thesis). Kuhn, Dieter (2009). The age of Confucian rule : the Song transformation of China. Ye, Tan (2020). Historical dictionary of Chinese theater (Second ed.). Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. This page was last edited on 21 June 2024, at 16:40 (UTC). Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
Hanfu runway
Items & Feature This casual hanfu features a playful strawberry print in a fun pink and white color palette. The relaxed fit and classic Tang style design make this dress a versatile addition to any wardrobe. 2.54 cm; Please make sure the product’s measurements will fit your daily wear size, or view the complete Size Guide Chart to get more help. Shipping: Once the package is in transit, you will receive an email notification of the shipping status and location, also you can directly Track Shipping online. Guarantee: If the item has any small and big quality issues, we will offer free return or refund for you. Learn more about the Return & Refund Policy. Recommend Hand-wash with your favorite mild detergent; Cold or warm water, maximum temperature 40°C. When washed, silk cheongsam shake off any excess water and let them air dry. This hanfu is perfect for casual days and can be dressed up or down, depending on the occasion. It can be paired with flats, sandals or heels, making it versatile and suitable for a variety of occasions.
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Mamianqun article, here’s a little summary of all the most popular hanfu skirt (qun or 裙) types and what the difference between them is! I’m not going to go into as much detail as the previous article since my goal is to go through them all quickly and teach you the differences between them, but I’ll be including some brief details on their name, history, construction, and features so that you can better understand the huge variety of skirts in hanfu. Skirts are made up of one or two pieces of fabric, usually, and they take the shape of a flat piece of pleated or non pleated cloth that gets wrapped around the body and tied in place by ribbons/ties. There are very few exceptions to this, except in hanyuansu, which is modified hanfu for convenience and style. Let’s start off with some basics rules hanfu skirts tend to follow. The waistband of the skirt is usually 6-8cm wide and made with a different piece of fabric than the body of the skirt, which the body of the skirt is then attached to-this is referred to as the skirt head (裙頭). The classic pleated skirt is undoubtedly the one that you’ve heard of the most. This skirt consists of straight knife pleats (順摺) going from the skirt head down to either half or full length of the skirt, with pleats usually ranging from 2-4cm wide, and are often made with thin chiffon with one solid layer or two layers, one solid white underlayer and one sheer outer layer. But even with all of these rules, there is a HUGE variety of hanfu skirts throughout the dynasties! This is the most basic kind of skirt that you’ll get, and it’s the kind that most people start out with-unisex, easy to put on, and very intuitive. There isn’t much else to say about this one, honestly. The history’s a bit blurry since they’ve been popular since forever, and it’s a very versatile style that comes up in hanyuansu. I don’t doubt that you’ve all seen this one and are probably already pretty familiar with it and don’t need me to flood you with pictures, so let’s move on to the other ones. Technically the po, 破, in poqun is a word that means broken. So why are we wearing broken skirts? Well, that’s not what that word always meant. You see, in this context, a po is a piece of fabric cut into a long trapezoid-like shape. When worn, this creates a sort of A-line, circle skirt effect, with loose folding around the edges-it’s known to a lot of enthusiasts as the most slimming style of skirt out there. A poqun is made of an even number of these pieces of fabric, usually 4-12 but going up to as much as 32, sewn together lengthwise to create a skirt that is wider on the bottom than the top. Each piece is called a po, or 破, and they come in pairs. Like I said before, each of these pieces of fabric is a long trapezoid. When you lay the skirt out, it doesn’t lay flat, but if you hang it spread out from the waistband it’ll naturally fall into even waves because of its trapezoidal shape. A poqun with three pairs would be a six-po skirt or 六破裙, four pairs would be an eight-po skirt, etc. Typically they say the more po the more slimming it looks! Poqun can be made solid and out of one kind of fabric like the other skirts, but the unique thing about it is that because of its pieced-together construction, it’s really common for poqun to be striped, alternating colors every po. This style of skirt was probably most popular all the way from the Wei and Jin dynasties to the Tang Dynasty. It would’ve been the main form of skirt earlier on, when skirts first began to show up instead of full-body robes, while it became popular to wear striped poqun in chest-high styles in the Tang Dynasty, so they’ve been dominating the skirt industry for quite a while! Once the Song Dynasty rolled around, though, lots of other skirts became more popular and this flowy, unstructured shape started dying out. Did I say that poqun started dying out in the Song Dynasty? Well, I didn’t mean immediately! One example of how the poqun evolved over time is the 四破三襉裙, often shortened as the sanjianqun. As you might be able to guess from the logic above, since this is a 四破 or four-po skirt, it’s made up of four long trapezoidal pieces of fabric sewed together along the edges, making it wider at the bottom than it is at the top. This skirt is a favorite of hanyuansu enthusiasts, as it looks really similar to a modern skirt with a less flashy silhouette-it doesn’t end up being much of a poofy skirt, draping mostly straight down on the hips, and is easy to modernize. The part of this skirt that makes it different from the earlier poqun is the three inverted box kick pleats (工字摺) between the po of the skirt, one in the front center and two on either side, creating a unique silhouette with three pleated slits-sometimes a contrasting fabric is used for the inside of each slit for an added layering effect, other times it’s the same fabric. If the Tang Dynasty favored a beautiful full figure like the bright round moon that became the muse of so many poets, the Song Dynasty was known for a preference for willowy elegance, long and thin like bamboo. The only thing that I would note is that this skirt is notorious for showing even a little bit of a belly, as a lot of Song Dynasty skirts tend to do, but if you don’t mind then this is a great choice for a daily outfit! One of the simplest skirts of the lot is called the xuanqun, roughly translating to wrapped skirt, also known as the 兩片裙 or two-piece skirt. This was absolutely reflected in their clothing choices as well! This skirt is unique for having no pleats, instead being constructed out of two flat rectangular pieces of fabric overlapped with each other and connected at the skirt head. The two pieces of fabric can be the same color or contrasting patterns. It’s made of two pieces of fabric, hence the second name, and wraps more closely to the body than any of the other skirt types. Narrow versions will be made up of less fabric, and so when wrapped around the body will hug the hips and legs more tightly, resembling a long pencil skirt or straight skirt-essentially a cylindrical shape. Xuanqun can be split into the narrow and wide versions. Wider versions have more fabric and are a little looser on the body, allowing for more free leg movement. Narrow versions are also known for being unfriendly to the curvier of us because of its tighter silhouette, since the fabric can be uncomfortable on the hips if your waist is a lot smaller, but sizing the skirt right should take care of most of your problems! For those of you who want a quick overview, mamianqun are made of two pieces of fabric with a flat skirt door on each end but pleated in the middle, overlapped to form two visible flat parts at the front and back, and a pleated part and the sides when worn. Again, for more detail you can skim the article I linked-it goes into a lot of depth! They’re very convenient for riding horses and other things requiring you to move your legs around, and were popular from the Song dynasty all the way to the Ming dynasty. Also a popular Ming-dynasty style, despite there being artifacts in this silhouette it’s hard to find many shops that make this kind of skirt, as it’s much lesser known than the mamianqun, but it offers the same mobility as the mamianqun without the flat skirt doors. From the outside, when worn, the manzhequn looks a lot like your typical zhequn, pleated skirt, with wider pleats than usual, usually around 3-5cm. But like the mamianqun, the manzhequn is actually made of two different pieces of fabric, overlapped at the sides when worn. Let’s meet the much lesser known cousin of the mamianqun: the manzhequn, or full-pleat skirt! When sewn together, this creates a skirt that looks pleated all the way around but can still be spread from side to side because the two pieces of fabric are only connected at the top, not the bottom. The difference is that while the mamianqun’s two pieces of fabric have a flat part called the skirt door at each end, with 工字摺 in the middle, the two pieces of fabric of a manzhequn are pleated all the way through with straight knife pleats all facing the same direction. Still, if you’d like to switch up your Ming dynasty outfits, consider getting one of these instead! Consequently this skirt has a full, rich look unbroken by skirt doors, but it can be less convenient than mamianqun since its folds are easy to displace and harder to organize when sitting down. I’m not sure why there are so many Song Dynasty skirts, but this is the last of them-the baidiequn, or hundred-change skirt. Made of one piece of fabric, these narrow pleats fill the center of the fabric while each end of the fabric has a smooth unpleated section called a 光面 or smooth face, which overlap each other when the skirt is worn-the result is a similar look to the mamianqun, but with only one visible smooth face. They’re characterized by very narrow pleats of 1-2cm, usually made of softer and thinner fabrics to allow this. This face can be worn in the front, the back, or even the sides-there’s no official place for it, it’s all up to you. Baidiequn can be split into three categories: the full baidiequn, the encircling baidiequn, and the high-low baidiequn. The full baidiequn is the most commonly seen kind, usually worn alone. Because of the thin pleats, baidiequn usually stay closer to your body than the usual zhequn. It’s a full-length skirt, pretty intuitive: just wrap it around your body so that the smooth faces overlap, and turn the smooth face to the front, back or side. It’s shorter than a full skirt, usually reaching down to mid-calf, and can be wrapped around the body on top of an underlayer with a similar or contrasting color. The encircling baidiequn, or the hewei baidiequn, 合圍 baidiequn, is an overskirt usually worn on top of another skirt or a pair of pants. These types of skirts can be sheer or solid since they don’t have to worry about your legs showing through. Last is the high-low baidiequn, or the 前短後長 baidiequn, which I unfortunately didn’t get a picture of (above is another hewei baidiequn). They’re less common than the full baidiequn, but there are a number of merchants that still sell these. Very rare these days, these types of skirts always have their smooth faces worn in the front, because the smooth faces are cut shorter than the rest of the pleated skirt, creating a T-shape when laid out. When worn, the smooth face in front will be significantly shorter, while the pleated sides and back will still be floor-length. But wait, some people may say, what about the chest-high and waist-high skirts? Aren’t those two different kinds of skirts? Well, han dynasty hanfu I’ve got some news for you-chest-high and waist-high skirts aren’t different kinds of skirts at all! Why isn’t there a category for that? The only difference is that sometimes people prefer to make their chest high skirts a little longer so they still touch the floor when worn over the bust-and of course typically men didn’t wear skirts this way. Wearing the skirt at the chest was really popular in the Tang dynasty for women, for example, but the chest-high skirt wasn’t some new invention of a different skirt pattern, most were either pleated zhequn or striped poqun tied at the chest, just… Chest-high and waist-high are two different methods of wearing skirts, not different kinds of skirts. Designers may take into account whether the skirt will be worn at the chest or waist when designing so that they know what a full set will look like or what kind of top to use in the set, and the sizing chart for skirt length might also vary based on whether it’s supposed to be worn at the chest or at the waist, but in concept there is zero difference between chest-high and waist-high skirts! It’s just a matter of how you choose to wear your skirts. Same deal with heziqun-essentially what it is is a skirt with an exceptionally wide skirt head, wide enough for it to basically cover your torso. In fact, if you feel like you want a shorter skirt that won’t drag on the ground sometimes, but also like the floor-length look for other occasions, you can absolutely just pull a waist-length skirt up to your chest and wear it like that. The skirt part of the heziqun can take on multiple forms, usually a poqun or zhequn since we only see these in the Tang dynasty, not to mention that since there are no surviving artifact of heziqun it can only technically be counted as hanyuansu. Then again, a lot of designers have taken steps to modify skirts that they mean for you to wear at your chest to make them easier to hold up-straps, for example, would prevent you from wearing something as a waist-high if it was originally a chest-high skirt. You won’t be misappropriating history or even modifying it at all-this is exactly what people did. But more often than not the straps are removable! Just make sure you know the difference between a type of skirt and a way of wearing a skirt.
Hanfu book
Wearing a flowing robe adorned with beaded embroidery with a finely crafted silk fan in hand, Wang Runjie looked like she was a time traveler from a bygone era, and she turned plenty of heads while strolling through downtown Shanghai. Wang, a 21-year-old university student. While China has embraced Western fashion in recent years, an apparel renaissance is taking shape, with a growing army of youngsters looking to the past for their sartorial choices. Wang is an avid fan of hanfu clothing-generally understood as the traditional garb representing the Han ethnic group in China. A number of factors are contributing to the phenomenon-everything from TV dramas that popularize ancient styles to rising patriotic sentiment. Wang managed to find her like-minded pals via QQ, China’s best-known social media tool, where hanfu enthusiasts gather voluntarily via group chats that also offer a degree of anonymity if desired. Internet users discuss everything from the latest hanfu trends and places that make perfect hanfu photography backdrops, to the best accessories to accompany outfits. But one element is expediting the tide from an individual liking to a collective carnival-social media. Huang has been taking a more academic approach, delving into the history of the apparel, and that can sometimes lead to debates among friends. In the eyes of Liang Zhu, vice-president of QQ’s parent company Tencent Holdings Ltd, social media platforms stand to take the credit for amplifying enduring social trends and fast-tracking them to reach a tipping point. A number of functionalities embedded in QQ-from virtual outfits that users can swap for their profile displays to a QQ Music channel dedicated to traditional Chinese style-have worked in tandem to celebrate the traditional culture vibe. It was also through a QQ-organized event that she met Huang Rong, another hanfu mega-fan. Both Wang and Huang said social media sites provide a natural gateway for subcultures like hanfu to become more inclusive undertakings for a growing audience who are new to the phenomena. Hanfu carries hefty weight, not in simply cultural terms but financially as well. Both Wang and Huang admitted owning numerous hanfu outfits, and often can’t resist the temptation to buy alternatives. Average spending per piece stands at around 550 yuan ($84), with some bearing prohibitive price tags of up to 15,000 yuan.
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Chinese dynasty hanfu
Chinese embroidery pouches, purses, or small bags. Chinese: 香包; pinyin: Xiāngbāo; lit. 84 When they are used as Chinese perfume pouch (or sachet), they are referred as xiangnang (Chinese: 香囊; pinyin: xiāngnáng; lit. In present-days China, xiangbao are still valued traditional gifts or token of fortune. 216 In everyday life, hebao are used to store items. Xiangbao are also used in Traditional Chinese medicine. There are many ethnic groups in China which share the custom of wearing pouches. The hebao is also a type of adornment used in traditional Chinese clothing (including in hanfu and in the Manchu people’s qizhuang). Manchu pouches are called fadu. Hebao is also used as token of love since purses were personal items. While the wearing of Chinese pouches can be traced back to the Pre-Qin dynasties or much earlier, the term of hebao only appeared after the Song dynasty. 100 They are used as a gift between young girls and boys and their acceptance towards each other. Perfume pouches are also a love token for the ethnic Manchu; and when two youths fall in love, the boy is given a handmade perfume pouch by the girl. 83 Chinese perfume pouches, xiangbao, are still valued items which are exchanged between lovers in the countryside. In Manchu culture, the pouch can also hold tobacco. Tobacco pouches are usually made by a wife for her husband or by a maiden for her lover. It is also customary for the brides from the Yunnan ethnic minorities to sew hebao in advance prior to their wedding; they would then bring hebao to their bridegroom’s home when they get married. It is unknown when the perfume pouch became a pledge of romantic love. 100 Ginkgo nuts, peanuts, sweets would be placed inside those pouches as a symbolism of ‘giving birth to babies as soon as possible’. 100 The number of hebao they would require to make would depend on the numbers of people (e.g. musicians, singers and guests) who would attend their wedding ceremony. These perfume sachets are called xiangbao (香包). Xiangbao is used in Traditional Chinese medicine. On the Dragon Boat Festival, Chinese mugwort would often be inserted in the hebao to exorcise the Five Poisons. 463 The wearing of Chinese medicine xiangbao as a preventive to diseases are a characteristic of Traditional Chinese medicine, known as dressing therapy. 463 These medicine pouches are used to induce resuscitation, awaken consciousness, eliminate turbid pathogens with aromatics, invigorate organs (spleen and stomach), avoid plague and filth, repel mosquitoes and other insects. The hebao was developed from the nangbao, a type of small bag which would keep one’s money, handkerchief and other small items as ancient Chinese clothing did not have any pockets. The most common material for the making of nangbao was leather. The earliest nangbao had to be carried by hand or by back, but with time, the nangbao was improved by people by fastening it to their belts as the earliest nangbao were too inconvenient to carry. The custom of wearing of pouches dates back to the pre-Qin dynasties period or earlier; the earliest unearthed artefacts of Chinese pouches is one dating from the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period. They were worn at the waist and were used to carry items (such as seals, keys, handkerchiefs). In the Southern and Northern dynasties, hebao became one of the most popular form of clothing adornment. In the Song dynasty, the term hebao referred to a small bag which would store carry-on valuables (e.g. money and personal seal). Since then, the custom of wearing hebao continued throughout the centuries through the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China. It then vanished in cities due to the clothing reforms when pockets became of common use. Incense, pearls, jade, and other valuable items were placed inside the hebao to dispel evil spirits and foul smells. Despite its decline in common use, the hebao was still popular in some rural areas and ethnic minority areas in present-day China allowing the Chinese folk art to be transmitted to modern times. The tradition of carrying xiangbao can be traced back to the Duanwu festival, where a hebao would be filled with fragrant herbs and was embroidered with the patterns of the Five Poisons; it was meant to ward off evil spirits and wickedness while brings wealth and auspiciousness to its carrier. According to old sayings, these perfume pouches were made to commemorate Qu Yuan: when Qu Yuan drowned himself in the Miluo River, people living in the neighbouring Qin made and carried pouches stuffed with sweet grass and perfumed which was loved by Qu Yuan out of sympathy for the poet and to cherish his memory. It is also likely that the use of xiangbao is a custom which dates back to ancient times traditions, when people in ancient times used to carry a medicine bags when they would go hunting in order to drive poisonous insects away. According to the Neize of the Liji《禮記•内则》, young people have to wear a scented bag, called jinying (衿纓), during this period, when they meet their parents to meet their parents to pay respect. It is also believed that the use of xiangbao is a long tradition of the Han Chinese; the use of xiangbao can be traced back to the Tang dynasty when women living in rural areas would make perfume pouch (made of coloured silk, silk threads, gold and silver beads) in every year on the 4th lunar month. During the reign of Qin Shi Huang, perfume pouches were attached on the girdles of young men to show respect to their parents and their in-laws. By the Qing dynasty, xiangbao were not exclusively used on the Duanwu Festival; they were used on daily basis. Nearly everyone carried a xiangbao regardless of social classes, ages and gender. 87 The Manchu also carried xiangbao all year round. The Qing emperors would also award perfume pouches to the princes and ministers to show his favour for them on important festivals or at the end of each year. 87 Moreover, according to the Qing dynasty custom, the emperors and the empresses were required to carry a xiangbao on them all year round. Xiangbao were used extensively by the common people regardless of gender and ages; they would carry perfume pouches and give it to others as presents while young men and women would often use it as a toke of love. Xiangbao were appreciated for their fragrance but they were also considered as a preventive against diseases. Yuyong hebao (Chinese: 御用荷包; pinyin: yùyòng hébāo), ornamented purses which were manufactured for the imperial palace, were an extraordinary mark of imperial favour and expressed the high regards which was held by the Qing emperor to his generals; the emperors only sent to those hebao to his highest generals. The bag was originally made of out animal hide and was worn at the waist; it was secured on the belt for the usage of carry food. The fadu of the Manchu people originated from a form of bag used by the ancestors of the Manchu who lived a hunting life through dense forested mountains. Later on, when the ancestors of the Manchu left the mountain regions and began an agricultural life, the hide bag was developed into a small and delicate accessory which would only contain sweetmeat. Manchu women would use small pieces of silk and satin to the sew the bag and would decorate it with flower and birds embroidery patterns. Hebao is a bag composed of 2 sides: the interior and exterior side. They also use their pouches to carry perfume and tobacco. The opening of the bag is threaded with a silk string that can tightened and loosened. It is often embroidered on its outside while the inside is made of a thick layer of fabric. They are made in various shapes, such as rotund, oblong, peach, ruyi, and guava. The Manchu people’s tobacco pouch is tied with a small wooden gourd which is carved with rich patterns. Each areas in China have a distinctive forms of hebao. 413 They usually came into 2 sizes: either large or small. 413 These hebao could also contains gems, jewels and precious metals, such as shanhu (corals), qizhen babao (lit. The gourd acts primarily as a fastener to prevent its carrier from losing his pouch, by making it harder for the fastener to slip from the seam between the waist and the cloth belt which was used by the Manchu people in the past. Manchu people regardless of gender wore pouches, but they wore it differently according to their gender. Men wore their pouches at the waist while women tied their pouches to the 2nd buttons of their traditional Manchu dress, qizhuang. In the Dream of the Red Chamber, a hebao is personally made by Daiyu and is given to Baoyu as an expression of her love for him; however, she misunderstood that Baoyu had deliberately given the purse away and destroyed the other hebao that she was making. Xiuhebao (Chinese: 绣荷包; lit. Huguang diao from the regions of Hunan and Guangdong, is a popular song since the Ming and Qing dynasties. 100 In reality, hanfu inspired wedding dress Baoyu treasured the hebao so much that he would have never given it away. 83 These songs depict the thoughts of young girls who miss their lovers and are personally embroidering a hebao for their beloved. Qiedai – Eggplant-shaped purses worn by imperial officials in ancient China. 83 Chinese folks about embroidering hebao are sung in all parts of China, with the most familiar ones being the ones in Shanxi, Yunnan, and Sichuan. Yudai – Fish-shaped tally bag; a pouch used in ancient China as a form of yufu (fish tally). Jin, Jie (2011). Chinese music. Li Wang, Rong Li (Updated ed.). Wanlong, Gao, Dr (2012). A handbook of chinese cultural terms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The 2021 International Conference on Machine Learning and Big Data Analytics for IoT Security and Privacy : SPIoT-2021. Trafford On Demand Pub. Chinese auspicious culture. Evy Wong (English ed.). Volume 1. J. D. MacIntyre, Jinghua Zhao, Xiaomeng Ma. Legge, James. “《內則 – Nei Ze》”. They should all bang at their girdles the ornamental (bags of) perfume; and as soon as it is daybreak, they should (go to) pay their respects (to their parents) and ask what they will eat and drink. If they have eaten already, they should retire; if they have not eaten, they will (remain to) assist their elder (brothers and sisters) and see what has been prepared. 男女未冠笄者，雞初鳴，咸盥漱，櫛縰，拂髦總角，衿纓，皆佩容臭，昧爽而朝，問何食飲矣。 若已食則退，若未食則佐長者視具。 Davis, Nancy E. (2019). The Chinese lady : Afong Moy in early America. Money in Asia (1200-1900) : small currencies in social and political contexts. Jane Kate Leonard, Ulrich Theobald. Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. This page was last edited on 29 July 2024, at 10:02 (UTC). By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
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